Why are Kenyan Presidents always late? Also published in the Business Daily on June 3, 2014.
Several things jumped out at me at a set of
panel discussions last week in Maputo. Some were relatively minor, and some
major, but each was eye-opening in a way that told a lot about our present, and
our future.
The Africa Rising narrative has been on
everyone’s lips for a while now, and the conference in Mozambique, organised
and hosted by the International Monetary Fund, actually had that as its theme
and title. It could have been boring, with the same old faces and boldface
names mouthing platitudes and half-heartedly trying to do deals in the
backrooms. But no, this actually ended up being interesting in quite useful
ways.
The first thing I noticed – that any Kenyan
noticed – was that the conference began bang on time. This was despite the fact
that – or maybe even because – the President of Mozambique was in attendance.
Remember, this was a conference that brought together the majority of Africa’s
finance ministers, central bank governors and private sector heavy hitters. But
when they said the meeting would begin at 8:30, it did.
This is in marked contrast to what happens
here. Almost every single meeting involving high government officials (and all
too often, private sector head honchos as well), will not begin on time. Most
times, it has nothing to do with traffic problems (the President does not sit
in traffic, does he?), or logistical snafus. It is, from where I sit, a curious
admixture of old-fashioned self-importance and a traditional African disregard for
time.
What it leads to, in many cases, is an
inability to predict the length of meetings. Whenever we plan live coverage of
high-level events at the NTV newsroom, we wonder whether to cut ourselves slack
(and take the risk of the meeting actually beginning on time), or go by what’s
on paper and then have to fill dead airtime with inanities. And I’m the best at
live inanities (followed by Larry Madowo), but at least now you know where it
comes from.
The second issue was one that was, sadly,
little-discussed. Safaricom’s Bob Collymore raised it in a panel he sat on with
Christine Lagarde, the Managing Director of the IMF, the Mozambican and Ivorian
Prime Ministers, and Winnie Byanyima, the Ugandan diplomat who now heads up
OXFAM. Collymore raised the issue of corruption in Africa, which, in his
opinion, was the elephant in the room that wasn’t getting an airing out. It is
true that we purport to discuss corruption at every turn in Africa.
Unfortunately, though, that discussion tends to be mostly pro forma.
Collymore described it best: at most
government offices, there typically is a large, self-important sign that
declares that the institution is a ‘Corruption Free Zone’. It is mostly
meaningless, and misleading. The fact is that corruption is far from being
eliminated in government institutions, and in private ones as well. Even
Collymore, who always declares in word and deed that he has no tolerance for
corruption, acknowledged that the most accurate sign at Safaricom would be to
declare it a ‘Corruption Light Zone’. This is not to say that it is tolerated,
but an acknowledgement that rooting it out is an ongoing, almost never-ending exercise.
Add to this the fact that many
anti-corruption drives make little effort to distinguish between petty graft and
the kind that will kill you. If you’re 20 kph above the speed limit trying not
to miss your flight, and offer a cop 500 bob to let you go, it is not the same
as the city engineer who accepts an envelope of cash to overlook building
codes, which mean that down the road the edifice will collapse and take lives
with it. I’m not advocating a sliding moral scale, but a little degree of
realism needs to be injected into the proceedings.
The third one came from a gentleman named
Andrew Rugasira. Rugasira is a tall Ugandan who runs a company named ‘Good
African Coffee’ (three guesses as to what his business is about). He startled
the audience (especially his co-panelists, who included Central Bank Governor
Njuguna Ndung’u, acting Nigerian Central Bank Governor Sarah Alade, and Olivier
Blanchard, the Chief Economist at the IMF) by stating that Africa needed to get
away from the conversation about Public Private Partnerships (which is the new
buzzword in international circles, as well as ‘inclusive growth’ and ‘structural
transformation’). His point – which almost everyone missed, given how defensive
his co-panelists became – was that African policymakers flit from one flavour
of the month to another.
Where advanced economies simply buckle down
and do what’s necessary, in Africa we have to discuss an issue ad infinitum, at
endless conferences before we half-heartedly implement it. It is a serious
point, which helps to explain why Africa remains in dire straits despite the
best ideas and best efforts thrown at it. I know it is ironic to state that
(especially given that I’m writing this at 36,000 feet on the way back into
Nairobi from a conference in Maputo), but what Africa may need is a lot fewer
meetings, and a lot more rolled up sleeves.
I’m not (yet) as cynical as I sound,
especially because in these conferences, one gets to interact with Africa’s key
decisionmakers, but I’ll leave you with another of Rugasira’s sobering
thoughts: last year, Germany exported more coffee than the whole of Africa.
Germany does not have a single coffee farm.
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